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Now, as Aseman’s publisher Abbas Bozorgmehr spends the 20-21 February Iranian weekend in Evin prison following a revocation of the newspaper’s license, that transformation seems more toothless than its readers had imagined. Still, Aseman’s short-lived existence presented the national print media market with a progressive journalistic model. Not only did Aseman help define the new line between “taboo” and “fit to print” within the ambivalent ideological constraints of the Islamic republic; it also introduced a balanced, visually friendly publication that catered to the Iranian public’s hunger for in-depth news coverage and showed that, even after eight years of systemic repression under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iran’s beleaguered press still has the ability to produce high-quality journalism.

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Praising China for its “four decades of good experiences in the application development services for information technology,” Jahangard said. “We hope to use these experiences.” Jahangard added that Iran welcomes “the activities of the strong Chinese Internet companies to implement and enforce the National Information Network in Iran,” and expressed hope that “Chinese companies would strengthen their presence in Iran.”

The fundamental question here is whether Today’s Internet is , transparent and democratic and open. Due to the fact that these adjectives have different meaning in view of different entities /people In view of many governments, in particular, those of developing countries none of these three adjectives prevail in the Internet Process .a) it is not transparent as the relevant information is not actually clear and transparent. It is not democratic since governments has either no role or little advisory role in the management of the Internet .It is not democratic because governments are not treated with / on equal footing with respect of other players .It is there under almost private or less inclusive / non collective management. In fact some of the most important area of Internet dealing with public policy issues are not governed by collective governments cooperation or any intergovernmental organization but by individual national government( s) and big businesses as a totally decentralized bottom-up regime of governance .The most blend of that is that a very narrow pro WGIG DEFINITION of Internet governance exclude vital issues such as intellectual property, privacy, enforcement, and data protection on line filtering and network neutrality.
The catastrophic issue is that some country, exercises major control over a vital area of Internet governance improperly and misleadingly claims that the broaden intergovernmental participation in the governance of Internet would result in handing over the key issues to other countries to have any role in the governance of the Internet.

Comments from the Iranian representative in the WTPF Informal Experts Group on the ITU Secretary-General’s Draft Report in Feb 2013.

Iran’s pre-election atmosphere is tense due to declining economic conditions, acute inflation, in-fighting among various factions within the government, the effect of sanctions on goods and services, and continued international scrutiny due to Iran’s nuclear program. The memories of the 2009 elections are etched in the public’s consciousness, thereby, adding pressure during this election season and, making the media’s actions a significant site of contention. On the one hand, the resurgence of a few independent media outlets could signal the loosening of some restrictions, but at the same time, it is just as likely to be a regime gimmick to lure the public into participating in the election. The latter can be seen as a risky strategy because of the potential for these more vociferously critical outlets to stir up political unrest among those opposed to the regime, and the recent arrests are likely part of this anxiety. Consequently, some Parliament officials, such as MP Ahmadreza Dastgheyb, have seized upon this as an opportunity to introduce further provisions into the current Press Law in the run-up to the election, strengthening the regime’s ability to supervise media activities, such as publishing potentially provocative content that “might cause harm to the country.” Similarly, the De

Iran’s pre-election atmosphere is tense due to declining economic conditions, acute inflation, in-fighting among various factions within the government, the effect of sanctions on goods and services, and continued international scrutiny due to Iran’s nuclear program. The memories of the 2009 elections are etched in the public’s consciousness, thereby, adding pressure during this election season and, making the media’s actions a significant site of contention. On the one hand, the resurgence of a few independent media outlets could signal the loosening of some restrictions, but at the same time, it is just as likely to be a regime gimmick to lure the public into participating in the election. The latter can be seen as a risky strategy because of the potential for these more vociferously critical outlets to stir up political unrest among those opposed to the regime, and the recent arrests are likely part of this anxiety. Consequently, some Parliament officials, such as MP Ahmadreza Dastgheyb, have seized upon this as an opportunity to introduce further provisions into the current Press Law in the run-up to the election, strengthening the regime’s ability to supervise media activities, such as publishing potentially provocative content that “might cause harm to the country.” Similarly, the De