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(via Werner Herzog’s favourite English footballers (excerpt from The Southbank Show) | marckarlin)

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“It’s a good invention. It was very small and it flew well,” [French captain, Hugo Lloris] said. “It’s a good object for journalists! We heard it and then we saw it. We didn’t see anyone controlling [it]. Maybe they were behind the stand. It didn’t stay over us for a long time. There was nothing we could do to stop it – maybe kick the ball at it. But it’s a big challenge to hit it.”

Asked if he thought the drone was an invasion of privacy, Lloris said that no squad could prevent a device being sent. “Players can do nothing about that. We can’t have control of the drone. Maybe the guy is from the hotel just behind the stand and you can’t see him. Maybe with a good job [from] security we can find him.”

This article examines the tension between liberalism and Orthodoxy in Israel as it relates to censorship. The first section aims to explain Israel’s vulnerability as a multicultural democracy in a hostile region, with significant schisms that divide the nation. The next section presents the dilemma: should Israel employ legal mechanisms to counter hate speech and racism? The third section details the legal framework, while the fourth reviews recent cases in which political radicals were prosecuted for incitement to racism. The final section discusses cases in which football supporters were charged with incitement after chanting “Death to Arabs“ during matches. I argue that the state should consider the costs and risks of allowing hate speech and balance these against the costs and risks to democracy and free speech that are associated with censorship.

This article examines the tension between liberalism and Orthodoxy in Israel as it relates to censorship. The first section aims to explain Israel’s vulnerability as a multicultural democracy in a hostile region, with significant schisms that divide the nation. The next section presents the dilemma: should Israel employ legal mechanisms to counter hate speech and racism? The third section details the legal framework, while the fourth reviews recent cases in which political radicals were prosecuted for incitement to racism. The final section discusses cases in which football supporters were charged with incitement after chanting “Death to Arabs“ during matches. I argue that the state should consider the costs and risks of allowing hate speech and balance these against the costs and risks to democracy and free speech that are associated with censorship.