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Many emerging markets have fallen in recent weeks and investors fear further losses in the near future. Fostering new technologies, innovation, and entrepreneurship are critical to their recovery. Brazil, Turkey, and Indonesia should embrace consumer and business friendly Internet policies instead of a government-centric approach that risks crippling the Internet. It is not too late for them to adjust course and leverage the free and open Internet to kick start their flagging economies.

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This paper examines corporate interests in the evolution of the Internet, arguing that the Internet is not a neutral configuration of technologies. In reviewing the state’s role in regulating the Internet, the paradoxical alliance between the neoliberal economic and political agenda and advocacy of an open unregulated Internet is highlighted. Evidence of neoliberal strategies in telecommunication, broadcasting and the Internet is considered alongside private sector interests in exploiting labour power, in managing information diversity and in creating new choke points on the Internet. In the cases of infrastructure investment, content production and radio spectrum policy the continuing primacy of market valuation suggests that the neoliberal paradigm is influencing whether the state seeks to regulate indicating that there is a need for pro-active policy and regulatory intervention to secure the Internet as a communicative space for an engaged citizenry.

In Finnish newspapers, there are several examples of large convergence projects. The large companies have the most resources. The ability to resolve technological issues – whether they are hardware- or software-related – seems to divide the newspapers researched in this study. The larger companies usually have more technological resources of their own. National and regional dailies have more innovations and converged solutions and practices than the local ones; the innovativeness of local dailies depends a lot on the personal interest of owners and managers. Many of the local dailies are very passive on the Internet, showing only contact information or other static text, while the most active ones have launched news feeds, e-papers, blogs, etcetera.

Media Convergence and Business Models: Responses of Finnish Daily Newspapers – Katja Lehtisaari, Kari Karppinen, Timo Harjuniemi, Mikko Grönlund, Carl-Gustav Lindén, Hannu Nieminen and Anna Viljakainen

In Finnish newspapers, there are several examples of large convergence projects. The large companies have the most resources. The ability to resolve technological issues – whether they are hardware- or software-related – seems to divide the newspapers researched in this study. The larger companies usually have more technological resources of their own. National and regional dailies have more innovations and converged solutions and practices than the local ones; the innovativeness of local dailies depends a lot on the personal interest of owners and managers. Many of the local dailies are very passive on the Internet, showing only contact information or other static text, while the most active ones have launched news feeds, e-papers, blogs, etcetera.

Media Convergence and Business Models: Responses of Finnish Daily Newspapers – Katja Lehtisaari, Kari Karppinen, Timo Harjuniemi, Mikko Grönlund, Carl-Gustav Lindén, Hannu Nieminen and Anna Viljakainen

Toronto hosts the principal media agglomeration in English‐speaking Canada and the third largest in North America after New York and Los Angeles (Davis, 2011). In this agglomeration are found most of anglophone Canada’s major screen production houses, public broadcasters, and many of its private broadcasters. Many Canadian book, magazine, music, and newspaper publishing headquarters are located in Toronto, as are four of the eight principal Canadian media conglomerates. The agglomeration includes the country’s largest concentration of independent screen content producers, specialty broadcasters, supporting institutions, and many suppliers of specialized services and inputs: sound recording studios, law firms, postproduction services, media marketing and publicity agencies, financial and insurance services, theatrical exhibitors, Internet publishing firms, technical service suppliers, advertising agencies, below‐the‐line crews and their craft unions, and public and private post‐secondary educational programs. Tens of thousands of media microenterprises are present in the GTA (Davis, 2010). All three levels of media policy and program agencies are strongly represented in the city. Altogether the content layer of the Toronto media cluster (including film and television production, book, magazine, music, and interactive media) employed around 40,000 people and generated about $4.5B in revenues in 2007 (Davis, 2011).

Extract from an analysis of the “cognitive-cultural economy” of Toronto.